Henry VIII’s Acts of Union 1535-1543 had the effect of subsuming Wales into the Realm of England and so the country henceforward had no separate constitutional status. There were some measures which challenged this settlement, e g, the provision of the Bible in Welsh in 1588 and the Welsh Sunday Closing Act 1881, but the provisions of Henry’s Acts were not, in effect, repealed until the Government of Wales Act 1998 which set up the National Assembly. Ganwyd Cymru drachefn ym 1998!

Unlike Scotland, which on Union with England in 1707 did retain a separate legal and educational system, Wales lost virtually all its national institutions. However, strong symbolic institutions were maintained or developed: the bardic tradition, harp music, choirs, the National Eisteddfod, rugby. Although no adequate substitute for a separate constitutional infrastructure, we are indebted to these symbols for maintaining our sense of nationhood during the long centuries when we had no constitutional existence. Efallai y gall Cymru fforddio i golli mewn rygbi o bryd i’w gilydd nawr gan fod gennym Gynulliad!

Of all the symbols of nationhood which we retained, the Welsh language was by far the most important – if it wasn’t, the Establishment wouldn’t have invested so much in trying to suppress it! It has also proved to be remarkably resilient, with the majority of the population remaining Welsh-speaking until 1901. As the language rapidly declined during the twentieth century, its importance for national identity came to be recognised more and more, culminating in the establishment of the campaigning Welsh language Society in 1962 which fought for a Welsh Language Act in 1967 and strengthened legislation in 1993. Mae’r dywediad "Cenedl heb iaith, Cenedl heb galon" yn sicr yn ddeiiol berthnasol i hanes Cymru.

Before devolution, while Scotland’s separate identity was always, to a degree, recognised, Wales was still subsumed in "EnglandandWales" in most contexts. Since 1999, however, Wales has become increasingly visible as a nation in her own right. It is said that Tony Blair was never really an enthusiast for devolution and it is easy to see why – because things literally would never be the same again and because devolution really was, as Ron Davies, the architect of devolution in the Welsh Labour Party, famously said, "a process not an event". This is clear from the gradual growth in the Assembly’s powers and the development of new national institutions such the Care Inspectorate and the Children’s Commissioner. Le bu sefydliadau cenedlaehol mor brin yn y gorffennol maent bellach yn amlhau fel madarch Medi!

After devolution, and despite the Assembly’s weakness in terms of actual power, especially in the early years, Wales quickly began to plough a furrow separate to England in its areas of responsibility, notably health, education and transport. We’re not talking here of divergence merely for the sake of it but of changes which could really make a difference in people’s lives, such as halting privatisation within the health service, the introduction of the innovative Foundation Phase in early years education and the re-opening of rail routes. Mae Cymru nid yn unig yn bodoli bellach ond mae hi’n datblygu fel cenedl a all dorri ei chwys ei hun.

It is remarkable that whereas Welsh had virtually no official status just over forty years ago we now have a Welsh Government committed to a fully bilingual Wales. All public documentation f l t

should, in principle, be bilingual and only a shortage of translators (which is being actively addressed) prevents this. The teaching of Welsh both in schools and as Welsh for Adults has a higher profile than ever and is underpinned by an increasing emphasis on professional development for tutors. Prin y gallai’r rhai fu’n brwydro dros y Gymraeg yn Oesoedd TywyllThatcheriaeh fod wedi dychymygu lle y byddem heddiw.

The One Wales Government has promised to hold a referendum on full Legislative powers for the Assembly within this session, meaning by May 2011. The exercise will be a risky one, with opinion polls having shown only a slow increase in support for a proper Parliament for Wales over several years, the latest giving a narrow majority in favour, and that before ‘No’ campaigners begin their wrecking tactics. Nevertheless, the long term direction is towards independence which, after all, is a status taken for granted by many nations with smaller populations than Wales. O safbwynt cyfansoddiado, mae’n ymddangos bod y cyfeiriad yn eglur – yr amseru sy’n ansicr.

It is often forgotten that devolution for the Celtic nations must have implications for their neighbour and there are indeed signs that England is searching for a sense of national identity that is not shackled to jingoism and xenophobia. Hopefully, also, devolution for the English regions will return to the agenda – a move that could also bring power closer to the Celtic nation that devolution has thus far left behind, Kernow/Cornwall. Y gobaith yw y bydd rhyddhau’r gwledydd Celtaidd hefyd yn rhyddhau Loegr.

Given what was said earlier, why should there be any doubt? Unfortunately, however, official status and even active state support cannot guarantee the future of any language as a living, community language, as the fragile situation of Gaelic in Ireland clearly illustrates. Yet in Wales we are aware of the danger and are investing increasingly in encouraging the use of Welsh as well as knowledge of the language, particularly through the work of the Mentrau Iaith/Language Initiatives. Nid crair ar gyfer yr amgueddfa mo’r iaith Gymraeg ond iaith y mae’n rhaid iddi fyw o fewn ein cymunedau.